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Mexico’s drug war is Vietnam 60 years later

Posted on August 23, 2012 By Hispanic Link News Service Justice

Victims of Mexico's Drug War

ADVANCE FOR RELEASE SUNDAY, DEC. 11, AND THEREAFTER – EDS NOTE GRAPHIC CONTENT – FILE – In this Jan. 9, 2011 file photo, a man claiming to be a relative grieves over the body of a man that was hanging from a pedestrian bridge in the drug violence-plagued city of Acapulco, Mexico. Five years after President Felipe Calderon launched his assault on organized crime, about 45,000 troops have been deployed, plus several thousand more from the Navy infantry, or marines. More than 45,000 people have been killed by several counts, though the government stopped giving figures on drug war dead when they hit nearly 35,000 a year ago. Still, the flow of drugs continues unabated into the U.S. while arms and money flow into Mexico. (AP Photo/Bernandino Hernandez, File)

MEXICO CITY — I have been looking for a book I used a long time ago as a first-year graduate student at the University of Oregon. It was a philosophical treatise, not light reading, titled “Explanation”, used by Professor Joseph G. Jorgensen in his anthropological methods course.

I bring it up because the book is one of the few works I know that specifies what kinds of evidence lead to understanding.

There are intention, rational, psychological, historical, and of course —the purpose of the course —empirical explanations, using the scientific method.

The most developed empirical methods in the social sciences were those applied in economics. Anthropology, the most humanistic of the social sciences, also weighed in, even with small-sample statistics.

We were studying this at a beautiful bucolic campus in the late 1960s. Some street corners, elsewhere in the nation, were burning and fiery rhetoric ignited disenchanted groups.

Bystanders became increasingly caught up at the instability of the world stage that came close to home when the Vietnam War escalated. People were told the war would end soon but were not telling them about the secret war in Cambodia and Laos and anti-insurgency in Thailand.

A number of graduate students in my class were drafted. Some volunteered, some fled, some refused.

I look for the book today to learn again the difference between explanation and understanding.

That year back then, Joe Jorgensen and other faculty members, mounted a speaker’s platform and talked about the immorality of the war.

The American Anthropological Association was already on record condemning it since 1966. Jorgensen, as member of the Association’s Ethics Committee, participated in trying to guard the integrity of how anthropologists do their field research because of how it was used to conduct the war.

Anthropological knowledge and experience in the third world often had been compromised—intentionally or not— by government counter-insurgency policy and clandestine research.

Along with eminent scholar Eric R. Wolf, Jorgensen wrote a classic essay in 1970 that appeared in the New York Review of Books and remains the ethics standard for anthropologists. It explains how anthropological research had been used in Latin America, India and Asia to formulate counter-insurgency policy and against peaceable people.

It is plain, they wrote, that “scientific objectivity” “implies the estrangement of the anthropologist from the people among whom he or she works.”

“The future of anthropology, its credibility, depends upon sustaining the dialectic between knowledge and experience,” Jorgensen and Wolf wrote.

Joe Jorgensen was an expert on North American Indians. He wrote a classic on the Sun Dance religion and about oil age Eskimos in the wake of the Exxon Valdez spill. He retired following a distinguished research and teaching career as professor emeritus at the University of California, Irvine.

I did not know that he had died in 2008 until after I tried locating him to get the exact book title and its author.

I knew Joe Jorgensen when the consciousness of the nation was about to change after realizing the pain and suffering families experienced from having lost members in the military, friends and neighbors who returned home wounded, maimed or unstable.

Change came when casualties rose. People asked what were we, as a nation, trying to accomplish that came at this personal cost? Personal grief and dismay was behind the understanding when they realized how they allowed the nation’s leaders to conduct public war policies that produce death and misery.

Before it was over, nearly 60,000 U.S. service members were killed.

Today, in the last five years, that same number, nearly 60,000 Mexicans, have been killed or are missing as a consequence of the Drug War next door. It comes in part from gun trafficking, human rights violations, human trafficking, migrations, money laundering, illicit profiteering, buccaneering, corruption, business interruption and lawlessness related to narco trafficking to feed mostly U.S. drug habits and gunrunning.

Just as in Vietnam, another policy has been needed for decades.

That’s why you too should be out looking for that book defining what is an explanation. We all need to know why.

And we need to demand that our public policy leaders stop making us complicit with the violence.

José de la Isla, a nationally syndicated columnist for Hispanic Link and Scripps Howard news services, has been recognized for two consecutive years for his commentaries by New America Media. His next book, The Rise of Latino Political Power, will appear early in 2013. Reach him at joseisla3@yahoo.com.

 

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Source: José de la Isla/Hispanic Link News Service
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  • Roger_Murdock

    The war on (some) drugs fuels violence because the “WAR” on drugs IS violence. It’s the policy of sending men with guns to arrest the sellers of certain drugs and their customers and lock them in government cages. All of the other violence that surrounds the (non-alcohol, non-tobacco) drug trade is fundamentally a REACTION to that initial state-sponsored violence. Prohibition renders contracts unenforceable and makes it impossible for competitors to use the courts or the police to challenge intimidation or settle disputes. There are plenty of legal businesses that might love to “kill the competition,” but that only becomes a viable strategy under the black market conditions that prohibition creates. (Note that nobody from Coke or Pepsi has their decapitated corpse hung from a bridge as a result of the so-called “Cola Wars.”) Prohibition also raises the prices of illicit drugs and hence their profitability. (Econ 101: risk demands compensation.) This only increases sellers’ incentives to do “whatever it takes” to capture market share. Today you don’t see rival beer distributors engaging in deadly shoot-outs over turf, but you USED TO — during alcohol prohibition. Run a Google image search for “U.S. homicide rate graph” (not all together in quotes). Take a look at the murder rate before, after, and during alcohol prohibition (1919-1933). Then read some current news out of Mexico (pretty much any news will do). Spot a pattern? The use of state violence to address what is really a medical and health issue (as well as a matter of personal choice) has been a disaster. And it needs to stop.

  • malcolmkyle

    An appeal to all Prohibitionists:

    Maybe you’re a police officer, a prison guard, or a local/national politician. Possibly you’re scared of losing employment, overtime pay, the many kickbacks, and those regular fat bribes. But what good will any of that do you once our society has followed Mexico over the dystopian abyss of dismembered bodies, vats of acid, and marauding thugs carrying gold-plated AK-47s with leopard-skinned gunstocks?

    Kindly allow us to forgo the next level of your sycophantic prohibition-engendered mayhem.

    Prohibition prevents regulation: legalize, regulate, and tax!

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